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Peace I and Peace II
There are similarities between the two programmes– and differences. These arise in part from lessons learned from Peace I.
Peace I: ● Involved a wide range of civil society organisations.
● Funded the development of work with former combatants and victims.
● Helped to normalise cross-community and crossborder work.
● Generated fresh learning points in distinct areas, e.g., education, and the need to strengthen community infrastructure where this is weak.
● Developed a variety of successful delivery systems - district partnerships, intermediary funding bodies, and a consultative forum.
● Supported and reinforced the peace process.
But: ● The European Court of Auditors found that there were significant problems with Peace I, almost universally on the government side.
Similarities between Peace I and II
● Both programmes are on the same scale (approx. 350 million over 5 years).
● As in Peace I, 80% of the available funds in Peace II are allocated to Northern Ireland.
● Peace II contains a number of priorities directly descended from Peace I, though with slightly different titles. These cover cross border co-operation; social inclusion and local partnerships.
● Peace II keeps the same successful basic structure for implementing the programme, via government departments and agencies; intermediary funding bodies; and local partnerships.
● Both programmes are complex. Peace II has 48 main implementing bodies, 50 ‘measures’ and ‘sub-measures’ operating in two currencies drawing down four structural funds in two jurisdictions with 260 ‘indicators’ and 11 ‘horizontal principles’.
● Peace II recognises the value of an involving, socially inclusive programme that contributes to the building of civil society. This is reflected in the new measure 2.6 Active citizenship.
● Peace II includes several significant new measures. One of these is designed to ensure that there is an exchange of international experience in conflict resolution and peace-building techniques, so that others may learn from what is achieved in Northern Ireland, and vice versa. The others focus on strengthening weak community infrastructure, active citizenship and the social economy.
Getting the money spent
● So far (May 2003), there have been 4,612 applications, and of these, 1,237 have been funded (27%).
● The intermediary funding bodies have been the fastest to deliver funding, and some have already sent out their second calls for proposals. Government, which has the bulk of the funding to distribute, has been slowest to spend: by April 2003, there had been no commitments under eight measures. Inexplicably, 18 months from the close of the programme, the Southern coordinating body for priority 3 (urban and social revitalisation) has still to meet and no date has yet been set.
● At present, about 56m of the programme may be underspent owing to the failure to meet the requirement that money be spent within two years of the period when it was allocated (known as the N+2 rule).
● Programme managers have their hands tied by European rules preventing movement between the five priorities or between the individual structural funds themselves.
● The Special EU Programmes Body is considering a return to the idea that funds should be used to build up endowments, and thus contribute to long term sustainability, instead of being spent ‘in one go’, with consequent difficulties when the programme finishes. JRCT was involved in promoting this idea as a ‘flagship’ project in 1999. However, it has been noted that ‘such proposals would meet with considerable administrative and legal hurdles’.
Administrative requirements
● Voluntary and community organisations consider the level of administrative requirements - the application form, the process of filing applications, reporting, accounting and auditing requirements - to be many magnitudes beyond anything that has ever been expected of them before. While they accept the need for accountability and transparency, they feel that the current demands on them are disproportionate and destructive of their energies and time.
Criticisms of Peace II
● Many of the changes from Peace I to Peace II were implemented without any public consideration of options. The process of change was characterised by a lack of transparency.
● The programme makes excessive demands of intermediary bodies in terms of administration and financial accountability. The applications process has been time consuming, inconsistent and at times chaotic; the on-line application process did not work properly; reporting requirements are extraordinarily demanding and liable to be changed with retrospective effect; and accounting and auditing requirements are unnecessarily complex and confusing.
● The European Social Fund supports the programme, and as a consequence, there is pressure to work in the labour market field and to demonstrate outputs in terms of headcounts. This is in conflict with what many groups feel to be the essence of peace-building work which is, after all, what Peace II is supposed to be about.
● Many of the personnel on the European and governmental side changed between the two programmes. As a result the institutional memory of Peace I was not captured for Peace II. Many of the positive lessons from Peace I were not documented or recorded and as a result may be lost.
● There was a long, confused period between the end of Peace I in 1999 and the effective commencement of Peace II in 2002. Although some funding was provided for some voluntary organisations during this period, it was not a smooth process.
● Compared to the peace programmes in Ireland, the rehabilitation and reconstruction programmes run by the European Union elsewhere have a much stronger emphasis on civil society, social inclusion, democratisation and support for the capacity of the NGO sector. Those who designed Peace II could have learnt from these programmes.
● With some limited exceptions, there does not appear to be scope for small grants or funding for short-term spontaneous work. Where small grants programmes have been run, they have been successful.
● Many funding bodies are unable or unwilling to explain how they apply the twin principles of reconciliation and distinc tiveness in practice. |